But the fight has revolved around more than the technical issue of whether the indictment should survive and Mr. Trump should eventually stand trial. The defense and prosecution have been waging a separate, but no less critical, battle about when the trial will happen — specifically about whether it will take place before or after the 2024 election. If the trial is held after the election and Mr. Trump wins, he would have the power to order the charges he is facing to be dropped.
In their 82-page filing to the appeals court, prosecutors focused on legal arguments and said that nothing in the Constitution or the country's other founding documents supported the idea that a former president should not be subject to federal criminal law.
"The presidency plays a vital role in our constitutional system, but so does the principle of accountability for criminal acts — particularly those that strike at the heart of the democratic process," wrote James I. Pearce, one of Mr. Smith's deputies. "Rather than vindicating our constitutional framework, the defendant's sweeping immunity claim threatens to license presidents to commit crimes to remain in office. The founders did not intend and would never have countenanced such a result."
When Mr. Trump's lawyers filed their appellate brief last week, they argued, among other things, that if absolute immunity was denied in this case, future presidents would have to fear facing criminal charges for an array of acts they undertook in office — including firing cabinet members or using lethal force overseas.
But Mr. Pearce scoffed at that argument, telling the appeals court that if presidents faced the possibility of being prosecuted for crimes committed in office, it could have "a salutary, not a chilling, effect" on their behavior. He also pointed out, as Mr. Trump's own cases have shown, that it is not easy to indict a former president given that "rigorous standards" must be met before defendants are charged, let alone convicted.
No comments:
Post a Comment